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The History of Angola |
The fight for independence
 After
an armed struggle against Portuguese colonialism, the country gained
its independence in November 1975. Although Portuguese fascism
was overthrown in April 1974, the military junta under General Spinola
was unwilling to grant independence to Angola. However, the MPLA
liberation movement, led by Agostinho Neto, rejected anything short of
full independence. In the end Spinola was replaced by leaders
prepared to accept Angolan independence.
Angola's problems since
then have centred on the richness of its resources, from oil and
diamonds to strategic minerals, and the refusal of the MPLA to give
away the country's wealth and independence.
Even before
independence Zaire invaded from the north east and apartheid South
Africa sent in troops from the south. The failure of these
invasions paved the way for the destabilisation and destruction of the
country. But Angola has remained independent, and today continues
to keep a tight control on its country's resources.
The war drew
in military support for the government from Cuba, the Soviet Union and
other countries such as the German Democratic Republic. The
country's first President, Agostinho Neto, led until his death in 1979,
upon which he was replaced by Jose Eduardo dos Santos.
End of cold war and first steps to peace Changes
in the international arena led to Angola recognising that it could not
rely indefinitely on support from the Soviet Union. Furthermore,
equally large changes were underway in South Africa, where the
apartheid government was losing its grip on power.
In 1988 a
tripartite agreement between Angola, Cuba and South Africa led to
Namibian independence and the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola.
In 1991 the Bicesse Accords between the MPLA and the largest rebel
group, UNITA, led to a ceasefire followed by elections in 1992.
UNITA reject election results and relaunch warThe
first multi-party elections took place in September 1992. But with the
MPLA winning 54 per cent of the vote, and Jose Eduardo dos Santos
winning 49.6 per cent of the vote compared with Jonas Savimbi's 40.1
per cent, UNITA rejected the results and launched a coup attempt in the
capital Luanda.
This military attack was defeated, but many
innocent civilians died in criminal acts, some of which were aimed at
particular ethnic groups.
Jonas Savimbi was smuggled out of the
capital by South African military intelligence, and flown to his
stronghold in the highlands. Provincial capitals came under attack from
UNITA troops that had been hidden from the demobilisation process.
However,
the Angolan government slowly managed to stop UNITA's advance and
finally began to push it back into the countryside. As the warring
parties military position changed, so did the attitude of UNITA to
negotiations. Finally, under intense military pressure, UNITA gave its
support to a peace agreement with the Angolan government in 1994, but
crucially Jonas Savimbi refused to sign the document - leaving it to
one of his juniors.
The agreement, the Lusaka Protocol, provided
for the demilitarisation of UNITA, a government of unity and national
reconciliation, and for Jonas Savimbi to gain a "special status".
However, once again UNITA reneged on the agreement and returned to war.
However,
UNITA had lost most of its international friends. South Africa was
under the leadership of Nelson Mandela and his African National
Congress. The United States had twice seen agreements that it had
brokered being ripped up by Savimbi as soon as he had regained his
military strength. Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire was overthrown by an
Angolan backed uprising, which mirror events in Congo Brazzaville. So
while UNITA had sympathisers among businesses and individuals, it could
not rely on states for a safe rear base and military equipment. UNITA
increasingly turned to diamonds to fund its war efforts, and the
mercenaries who traded arms for diamonds.
The military tide once
more turned against Savimbi. But this time there was no further
negotiations, and the war only ended with the death of Jonas Savimbi on
the battlefield in February 2002. Immediately UNITA gave up the fight
and signed a ceasefire that has held. Some of the leaders of UNITA were
given urgent medical assistance, in several cases saving the lives to
keep the movement together.
Peace and development UNITA
has now disarmed and dismantled its military wing, and has transformed
itself into a legitimate political party. It is a junior partner in the
national government, and is the main opposition party. Its former
soldiers are being retrained and employed in schemes funded by the
World Bank and other aid donors.
Meanwhile, the ruling MPLA and
President Jose Eduardo dos Santos' government has come under sustained
international criticism for a lack of transparency over funds from the
country's oil and diamond trade. Some critics argue that corruption and
theft go to the very top of the political elite in Luanda.
Supporters
of the MPLA dismiss claims that billions of dollars have been stolen,
but concede that poor accounting practices and a lack of transparency
has resulted in theft and the misuse of public funds. The Angolan
government maintains that new financial systems put into place with the
help of the IMF have improved the situation enormously.
The
theft and corruption associated with the oil sector in Angola is also
common in many other parts of the world, and there are willing partners
in the western companies that do business with oil producers. For
example, in 2002 and 2003 the Norwegian Statoil company paid millions
to bribe an Iranian official to gain influence.
Those that have
been in solidarity with the Angolan people suspect that much of the
criticism is related to the government's refusal to favour certain
western nations, its rejection of the demands of the IMF that it adopt
an orthodox structural adjustment programme, and in its place encourage
new investment from China and India.
Elections due in 2007The
Angolan government is now moving towards holding elections in the later
part of 2007 - fifteen years after the last elections went so
disastrously wrong. The bad experience of that elections has caused the
Angolan authorities to be very cautious in the hope that the next
elections can be as transparent and watertight as possible.
Few
commentators doubt that President dos Santos and his MPLA will win the
elections. UNITA has a divided leadership, and the other historic
movement, the FNLA, has been ripped apart by factionalism. The
elections will take place as many of the recovery programmes launched
by the government come into fruition. Basic services such as water,
sewerage, hospitals and schools are all being rebuilt, as are transport
links. The economy, boosted by high oil prices, is growing at rates
well over ten per cent of GDP. Yet this growth has not yet been
translated into improved standards of living for most of those in
poverty, with widespread unemployment, unacceptable housing conditions
and poor health remaining commonplace.
Whilst the future of
Angola looks bright, there is still a long road to be taken before the
country realises the dreams of Agostinho Neto and his followers.
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